Adolf Hitlers Wolfschanze - Wolf's Lair (1941–1942)

At first light on the morning of 23 June 1941, Hitler authorized that his special train, the Führersonderzug 'Amerika,' be readied to take him and his headquarters entourage by rail to East Prussia. He also requested that the various echelons of 'Supreme Headquarters’ follow ‘Amerika’ by either rail or air.

The train journey to East Prussia was said to be one of apprehension but filled with excitement and confidence. Just after midnight, ‘Amerika’ halted on a local line a few hundred yards from the headquarters perimeter fence. Boarding a column of waiting field vehicles, Hitler was driven up to a forest. Deep inside the heavily guarded, forbidding wood stood his new headquarters. During the train journey, Hitler called the new Eastern Front headquarters the 'Wolfschanze' (Wolf's Lair), which he said was his code name in the years of struggle.

It was 1:30 a.m. when Hitler and his staff arrived at the ‘Wolfschanze’ train station in the heart of the headquarters' enclosure. Neither the Führer or his entourage were able to see for themselves in the dark the full extent of the newly constructed buildings that covered the installation. Even the dimly lit lamp posts that were dotted along the paths that crisscrossed the complex were unable to pick out the true scale of the place. The installation covered some 250 hectares, with an area of about 155,000 square meters of land, with only 4 percent comprising bunkers and other structures. All of the installation was hidden inside the Görlitz forest, and many of the buildings were camouflaged by a Stuttgart landscaping firm, which was brought in to plant artificial trees, camouflage netting, and various other greenery to disguise the camp.

This was by far the largest of all the headquarters built for Hitler's use, and it had taken a considerable amount of labor to construct the site. In total some 5,000 Organization Todt workers had been employed to build the HQ. By the time Hitler arrived at 'Wolfschanze,' there was still considerable OT activity, with many laboring night and day to complete some of the more important structures. Since September 1940, the OT workers had poured thousands of cubic meters of concrete into the site and erected many buildings to cater for Hitler, staff and personnel, guests, barracks for the guards, housing for the communications center, roads, paths, railway station, and even an airfield.

It would not be until later in the morning that other members of Hitler's headquarters staff, who arrived by air, would see the true magnitude of ‘Wolfschanze’ and how heavily fortified the headquarters were. To enter the installation by road, a visitor arrived at the first perimeter barrier, known as Security Zone IV. This outer perimeter barrier of the installation was heavily guarded by FBB sentries and manned by three barrier guards. Along the outer perimeter of the forest there were a number of MG34 machine-gun posts and well-camouflaged armored vehicles and tanks that were positioned at intervals in front of and behind the high barbed-wire fence that enclosed an area of about 2.5 square kilometers.

Blockhouses, flak and machine-gun towers, and other defensive emplacements, including a small minefield, also surrounded the compound. Even further beyond the outer perimeter was an extensive number of concrete gun emplacements strategically placed at road junctions and covering access roads. Deployed around the installation were approximately thirty anti-aircraft guns, about seventy light machine guns of the MG34 type, between sixteen and twenty-one tank guns, two heavy MG34 machine guns, and four 7.5 cm well-dug-in tank guns. Tanks, mainly of the Pz.Kpfw.III and Pz.Kpfw.IV types, were fully manned and armed in and outside the outer perimeter.

During the next construction period of the headquarters, two tall bunkers were built to be used primarily as air-raid shelters, barracks for the elements of the FBB manning and patrolling the outer perimeter with its machine-gun and anti-tank gun emplacements, and barracks for the Führer-Flak-Abteilung (Führer Anti-aircraft Detachment), which manned the anti-aircraft batteries throughout the installation. The entire area in and around 'Wolfschanze,' including the other headquarters installations, was integrated into the early-warning system of the Air Fleet Reich, with land forces under the control of the No. 1 Military District Command in Königsberg. ‘Wolfschanze’, however, was the most heavily defended site of them all. The Führer-Luft-Nachrichten-Abteilung (FLNA, Führer Luftwaffe Signal Detachment) was established, along with a significantly strengthened FBB, which was later renamed the Führer Begleit-Brigade.

Arriving at this heavily guarded encampment, a visitor immediately noticed how well concealed the headquarters were from the road. Once a visitor passed through the first outer checkpoint, they entered the site. Here they could see a long straight road lined by tall pine trees, which led down to the first inner security zone checkpoint, known as Security Zone III. Between the checkpoint barriers of Security Zone III and IV, security guards constantly roamed the forest. Armored surveillance vehicles also made regular daily runs along the road to the outer security ring, along with well-armed troops on foot. At the first inner checkpoint, a group of guards guarded this barrier, and a telephone and radio transmitter linked the guard house. One or two sentries checked the status and passes of the visitors before allowing them through the barrier.

If there were any discrepancies, a sentry could call the FBB command post to provide details about the visitor before allowing him to enter. Here again, inside Security Zone III, other sentries patrolled the forest and the main road that led to the next inner security zone, Security Zone II. Once again, the visitor would then be checked and given access. Within a few minutes, the visitor arrived at the checkpoint barrier of Security Zone I, which was the inner sanctum of the headquarters. It was situated north of the Rastenburg/Angerburg tracks and road in the eastern part of Security Zone II. Here sentries manned the western and eastern entrance gates with a barrier, scrutinizing every person who wanted access to this holy compound. It was inside Security Zone I that Hitler lived and planned his conquest of the Soviet Union.

Throughout the entire installation, the HQ was heavily guarded. The OT workers, who comprised many foreign laborers, were often scrutinized the most. A Polish laborer named Robert Kowalewski, who was contracted by the OT to work inside the HQ between September 1940 and June 1941, said that an FHQu pass was required at all times to facilitate entry into 'Wolfschanze,' and a special pass was needed to gain entry into Hitler's Security Zone I, which was known to everyone as the inner sanctum. Once inside the HQ, his laborers were always escorted by an FBB or RSD vehicle. All tools and other equipment required to help construct the buildings were checked and signed in, normally by a member of the RSD personnel. Vigilance by the guards was unceasing, and the workers often received on-the-spot checks, where passes were checked again.

Tools and other valuables were again checked. If ever a workman were to be found walking from one site to another, he would be arrested, interrogated, and the work foreman called before he was either sent back to his workplace or sacked and escorted off the site. In several areas, if anyone was found walking off the roads or paths or simply strolling through the forest, such behavior was considered very dangerous, as there was a shoot-to-kill policy.

Almost as soon as Hitler arrived at his new Eastern Front headquarters, he went straight to work to try and complete the gargantuan task of destroying the Red Army. Beneath the camouflage netting and inside the huts and concrete bunkers, his staff busied themselves. The various huts served as a conference room, mess, and administrative office. Here, the military staff closely monitored the developments on 'Barbarossa,' as its advanced Panzer units forged ahead victoriously. For this monumental attack against Russia, the Germans had divided their forces into three Army Groups: North, under Field Marshal Ritter von Leeb; Centre, under Field Marshal Fedor von Bock; and South, under Field Marshal Gerd von Rundstedt.

The Panzer forces, which had been so successful in Poland and France, were kept separate from the infantry and concentrated in four independent Gruppen under the skilful command of Guderian, Hoth, Höpner, and Kleist. They had three objectives: Leningrad, Moscow, and Ukraine. The Panzer forces were to smash the Russian Army, while the infantry and artillery following in the wake of the armored spearheads were to force the enemies' surrender. It was made clear from the beginning of the invasion that under no circumstances were these forces going to be embroiled in heavy urbanized fighting. The Red Army was to be surrounded by devastating superiority and then destroyed. It was going to be another blitzkrieg victory, but on an immense scale. Within days of the invasion, the German spearheads had pulverized Soviet formations along the Russian border into submission. From mid-July German forces were once again engaged in heavy fighting against Russian troops in heavily wooded and marshy terrain around Leningrad.

During August and September, further news bolstered Hitler's headquarters. The Führer had become so confident of victory that he ordered his troops in Army Group Centre to commence with the battle of Moscow, code-named operation 'Typhoon,' which was unleashed on 28 September 1941.

Confident in the success of the 'Typhoon,' Hitler and his staff departed the headquarters on 3 October for the long journey back to Berlin. Within twenty-four hours, ‘Amerika’ was bearing them back to their East Prussian headquarters.

The next day, Hitler was back at the headquarters and wanting to know the progress of the battle. During October, increasing reports confirmed that the Russians were constructing formidable defenses in preparation for the German assault on Moscow. At the daily war conference, the generals tried their utmost not to show any signs of defeatism and appeared outwardly optimistic. Yet, as each day passed, more discouraging news was received. All along the blazing front, the Russians were saturating vast areas with millions of high-explosive shells. Hundreds of new truck-mounted rocket launchers concealed under heavy camouflage were being brought into action, firing thousands of deadly salvos into an already exhausted and overstretched German line.

During the daily conferences, Hitler and staff had to listen to a catalogue of reports confirming that Bock's Army Group Centre had been badly hit by an unusually early winter. The Russian countryside too had been turned into a quagmire, with the roads and fields becoming virtually impassable. On 1 November, ‘Wolfschanze’ had its first snow shower, and the freezing temperature saw the first heavy snow cover across the entire compound. While the female secretaries welcomed the snow as a relief from the usual drab surroundings, Hitler and his staff viewed it with deep concern. Not only was the weather hampering movement, but the troops were also freezing to death. The German soldier was totally unprepared for a Russian winter. The lack of winter clothing caused widespread worry for the soldiers, for they knew that the winter would create graver problems than the Russians themselves.

Throughout November Hitler hardly ventured from his bunker. Other than attending the war conferences, he spent most of his time brooding over the battle of Moscow. During the conferences, he dedicated a significant amount of time to maintaining the front despite increasing opposition and worsening weather conditions. As a result of the deteriorating military situation, Hitler began arguing more with his generals.

Whilst the Eastern Front stagnated along the frozen plains in the East on 8 December, Hitler told his staff that he had to leave his headquarters for important business in Berlin. On board the Führersonderzug Hitler was seen to be quiet and brooding. Dejection and dismay had spread through the headquarters as the military situation further deteriorated. Just days earlier munitions minister Fritz Todt, who had returned from an extended tour of the front, told Hitler that given the economic strength of the enemy, he could no longer see how Germany could militarily win the war. On 6 December Hitler secretly told Jodl that victory could no longer be achieved. Yet despite the military reverse in Russia, Hitler still showed his iron determination. He instructed his generals to remain steadfast until the spring thaw arrived to prevent the Russian offensive. As a result of his fortitude, he categorically refused to permit withdrawal, no matter how urgent his generals' appeals were.

On 15 December, during Hitler's return journey back to 'Wolfschanze,' he drafted his first halt order for the Eastern Front, much to the consternation of his army generals. During the conferences that followed, there were bitter arguments between Hitler and his commanders until, finally, on 19 December, the Führer relieved von Brauchitsch of his command, who he said was totally opposed to any halt order. Hitler then announced to a dumbfounded war staff that he would personally take command of the Army in the East and fight the war himself. During a meeting with Keitel, he told him that his only major concern about the threat of victory was his generals' incessant requests for a withdrawal. For this reason, he confessed he dared risk leaving his headquarters, fearing defeatism might spread throughout the military hierarchy. It was for this reason that he had to act ruthlessly, sacking his closest generals. Bock, for one who had for some time worried him over his constant demands for a general withdrawal, angered him so much during the last week of December that he relieved him of his command. He was immediately replaced by Field Marshal von Kluge.

Yet, despite Bock's replacement, on New Year's Eve Field Marshal Günther von Kluge began telephoning the headquarters, requesting permission for minor withdrawals. Hitler refused outright. That evening supper was served late. Afterwards, Hitler fell fast asleep, exhausted at the day's events. As the last minutes of 1941 ticked away, his staff gathered quietly in the mess and waited for him to emerge. But since 11:30pm, Hitler had been on the telephone to Kluge, listening to him appealing for the freedom to withdraw his troops. For three hours Hitler argued with his field marshal, explaining in no uncertain terms the need to stand fast. It was not until 2.30am that Hitler appeared over at the tea house to greet his intimate staff.

Despite the traumatic events in front of Moscow, Hitler was relieved to learn that the Red Army had finally exhausted its resources and was unable to penetrate the German lines deeply. Undoubtedly such a development had saved Bock's Army Group Centre from complete destruction. Although Hitler would later claim that the Battle of Moscow was the Wehrmacht's finest hour, his army failed to capture the city due to the harsh Russian winter and intense enemy resistance. However, much of Bock's failure to capture Moscow was primarily due to the remarkable recovery of the Russian forces and their subsequent winter offensive. The battle had completely altered the Wehrmacht from its glorious days in June 1941. Even Hitler himself could not mask the indisputable doubts of the giant task of beating the Red Army, despite his optimism at the war conferences. At mealtimes he appeared tense and uneasy owing to the avalanche of work that had descended upon him since taking command of the army. Those working with him could see the gradual alteration in his temperament and appearance.

On 10 February, Hitler left ‘Wolfschanze’ and journeyed to Berlin, where he took up residence in the Reich Chancellery. His demeanor had changed significantly when he returned to East Prussia five days later, and he appeared upset and anxious. Visitors to ‘Wolfschanze’ saw their Führer gray, exhausted and drawn. In front of his intimate circle, he spoke incessantly of the winter crises on the Eastern Front and was particularly hostile towards Brauchitsch and Bock, who he blamed for nearly destroying the whole military plan of 'Barbarossa.' Yet, at the same time, he announced with a sigh of relief that March would bring new beginnings to the war against the Bolsheviks. He revealed that spring would be the foundation of hope for his army and concluded that 1942 would see his forces emerge victoriously.

As the weather slowly changed at 'Wolfschanze,' the daily war conferences saw Hitler openly display more optimism for the coming weeks and months. He was frequently spotted strolling along the numerous footpaths that crisscrossed the installation as his health continued to improve. On several occasions he chatted and gossiped with his staff and even stopped and spoke with the Todt workers who were still laboring daily on the various buildings inside Security Zone 1.

Throughout March there was a gradual German recovery, and as a direct result of this, Hitler's health improved. Yet, by the end of the month the spring thaw brought both sides to a standstill as mud jeopardized movement.

On 28 March, a confident Hitler held a three-hour war conference where he made use of his army's inactivity. He set out to his war staff a clear list of priorities for the summer of 1942, which he said would commence with a new German summer offensive aimed at capturing Voronezh on the Don.

Excited by the prospect of this new summer offensive, he told his captivated audience that his armies would drive southwestward along the Don to a city called Stalingrad.

Whilst Hitler's war staff busied themselves preparing for the summer offensive in the south, on 24 April, Hitler left East Prussia on board ‘Amerika’ for Bavaria, followed by Ribbentrop's special train. Hitler's visit was not to relax at the Berghof but to prepare for a major speech before the Reichstag.

At the Berghof, the Führer was constantly updated on the latest news from the Eastern Front. Reports confirmed that General von Manstein's 11th Army was preparing its positions in the Crimea for an all-out attack. When Hitler arrived back at 'Wolfschanze,' nervous tension gripped the daily war conferences. The meetings with his generals were often heated as the deadline for Manstein's attack moved ever closer. On 8 May, Manstein's force finally opened the attack with a massive air and artillery bombardment followed by an armored assault. The attack went well, and by 15 May some 170,000 Russians had laid down their arms.

Three days later, the second offensive, code-named 'Fridericus,' was scheduled to begin, with Kleist's 6th Army advancing from the Izyum bridgehead east of Kharkov. However, as Kleist's forces moved into position, the Red Army suddenly launched a surprise attack, hurling thousands of tanks and troops into a drive for Kharkov. At 'Wolfschanze,' Hitler and his war staff were thrown into complete confusion as Bock telephoned, requesting to abandon the ‘Fridericus’ plan altogether and defend Kharkov. Hitler responded firmly, insisting that 'Fridericus' should proceed as scheduled and that his generals must remain steadfast and composed. For five days Hitler brooded over the developments in the south but held the belief that the Russians would be bled to death at Kharkov. By 22 May, that steadfast belief had become a reality. News reached the headquarters that Kleist had successfully linked up with the 6th Army and encircled the Russians. Its success had yielded 239,000 prisoners and over 1,200 captured or destroyed tanks. In front of his war staff, Hitler marvelled at the capture of Kharkov and was seen in an ebullient mood.

Emboldened by this victory in the south, Hitler held another conference to discuss the next objective, which he code-named ‘Operation Blue.' He stated that along the Don and Volga rivers, the Red Army would incur its bloodiest defeat in recorded history.

As his war staff prepared its forces for 'Blue,' Hitler returned to Berlin to speak personally to officer candidates. On 30 May, ‘Amerika’ bore him back to Wolfschanze, where he discussed further his bold summer offensive plans.

On 28 June, "Blue" officially commenced a month later. Hitler was seen by Keitel and Jodl to be lively and talkative and full of confidence. That evening, over at the conference hut, Hitler was handed reports of how the Hungarian divisions had pushed eastwards towards the Don city of Voronezh, showing outstanding will and determination against stiffening Russian resistance. By 30 June, General Paulus's 6th Army had begun an all-out, deep drive southwards towards the Don. Although the offensive progressed well, Hitler was very concerned about committing considerable troops and precious armor to take Voronezh.

For hours Hitler argued with his generals about the necessity of reducing the number of troops tied to the city. Keitel suggested that his Führer fly out in person and order Bock not to take the city.

On 3 July, Hitler made the three-hour flight to Poltava, protected by dozens of escort aircraft and hundreds of flak guns along the entire route. Arriving at 7.00am, he confronted his disgruntled field marshal, and there was a massive argument. During the heated debate, Hitler finally gave Bock permission to capture Voronezh if it could be undertaken with the least number of casualties and as long as his forces were not drawn into a long, protracted urban battle. He made it known that he did not want another Leningrad or Moscow.

Later that day Hitler flew back to East Prussia and impatiently watched the operation around Voronezh unfold. By 6 July, the city had fallen, but unexpectedly, two of Bock's armored divisions were drawn into a heavy battle as the Russians launched a counterattack. For two days, the battle raged until the divisions were able to withdraw from Voronezh and then run out of fuel further south. Bock's military tactics in attempting to capture the city led to Hitler flying into an impassioned rage. He was so angry that he relieved him of his command forthwith.